What this quiz is, and what it stands on.
How the quiz works, in plain terms, and then every source behind it — with a sentence on each and a link you can follow.
One section works against us. It holds the studies that rule out techniques we could otherwise be selling, and it is the largest section on this page. A list of only the supporting evidence would not be worth reading.
How it works, in plain terms
- What it actually measures
- Thirteen everyday situations — a 1am scroll, a message left on Seen, a call from a number you don't know — and what you do in each. We ask you to rate yourself exactly once, at the very end, and that number is deliberately kept out of the score: self-ratings are the least reliable input a quiz like this has. It is there so we can show you the gap between what you assumed and what your own answers said.
- What you get at the end
- Two things. A Confidence Index from 0 to 100, which is a reading of how you are operating right now rather than a verdict on you. And your dominant pattern — the tendency showing up most across your answers, out of Overthinker, Pleaser, Critic and Avoider.
- Why four patterns, and why that is a simplification
- Each one maps onto something psychologists have measured for decades: rumination, fear of negative evaluation, self-criticism, experiential avoidance. But traits like these sit on a continuum, so any four-way split is a convenience rather than a fact of nature. Most people show some of all four; the result names the one showing up most often in your answers.
- What it is not
- Not a psychometric test, not a diagnosis, and not therapy. It has not been through formal validation — factor analysis on an independent sample, published reliability figures, evidence it correlates with established measures. Until that is done we call it an index, and nothing grander.
Where the model comes from
The quiz measures behaviour rather than self-image, and the programme is built around doing things rather than thinking about things. Both choices come from this work.
Core
Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change (opens in a new tab)
Bandura, A. · 1977
Psychological Review, 84(2), 191–215
Sets out the four things that actually move your belief in what you can do, and ranks direct experience of managing something first — which is why the programme is a sequence of small real attempts instead of a pep talk.
Core
Validation of a New General Self-Efficacy Scale (opens in a new tab)
Chen, G., Gully, S. M., & Eden, D. · 2001
Organizational Research Methods, 4(1), 62–83
Shows a general, situation-independent measure of self-belief can hold together statistically, which is the reason a single 0–100 reading is defensible at all — though the same literature warns it will never predict any one specific situation well.
Supporting
Development and validation of a scale to measure self-compassion (opens in a new tab)
Neff, K. D. · 2003
Self and Identity, 2(3), 223–250
Defines and measures how people treat themselves when things go badly, which is the construct underneath the Critic pattern and the target of the exercises written for it.
The Overthinker: rumination and worry
The first of four groups, one per pattern. The names are ours; the tendencies underneath them have been measured for decades, and most people show some of all four. This one is the same thought turned over without being resolved — before an event, and again after it.
Core
Rethinking Rumination (opens in a new tab)
Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. · 2008
Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3(5), 400–424
The reference review on churning the same thought without resolving it — the Overthinker pattern — and on the evidence that this style predicts later low mood rather than merely accompanying it.
Core
Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought (opens in a new tab)
Watkins, E. R. · 2008
Psychological Bulletin, 134(2), 163–206
Reviews when going over something repeatedly helps and when it harms, and finds abstract “why” thinking tends to keep people stuck where concrete “how” thinking tends to move them on — the basis of the Codex's why-to-how swap.
Supporting
Repetitive negative thinking as a transdiagnostic process (opens in a new tab)
Ehring, T., & Watkins, E. R. · 2008
International Journal of Cognitive Therapy, 1(3), 192–205
Argues that worry, rumination and replaying are one process wearing different content across many problems, which is why the Codex treats the Overthinker and the Critic as close relatives.
Supporting
A novel theory of experiential avoidance in generalized anxiety disorder: A review and synthesis of research supporting a contrast avoidance model of worry (opens in a new tab)
Newman, M. G., & Llera, S. J. · 2011
Clinical Psychology Review, 31(3), 371–382
Proposes that chronic worry keeps people braced, so a bad outcome cannot arrive as a sudden drop — the clearest account of why overthinking feels like protection rather than a cost.
Supporting
An analysis of post-event processing in social anxiety disorder (opens in a new tab)
Brozovich, F., & Heimberg, R. G. · 2008
Clinical Psychology Review, 28(6), 891–903
Reviews the habit of replaying a social situation after it has ended — going over it repeatedly and reconstructing it — and its part in keeping social fear going.
The Pleaser: fear of judgement
Dreading other people's judgement, and the habits built to manage it. Several of these studies measure how far people's predictions about others' reactions are off, which is exactly what the Pleaser chapter asks you to test for yourself.
Core
A brief version of the Fear of Negative Evaluation Scale (opens in a new tab)
Leary, M. R. · 1983
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 9(3), 371–375
The standard short measure of dreading other people's judgement, which is the mechanism the Pleaser questions are written to detect.
Core
A theory of unmitigated communion (opens in a new tab)
Helgeson, V. S., & Fritz, H. L. · 1998
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2(3), 173–183
Separates caring about other people from caring about them to the exclusion of yourself, and finds only the second is tied to distress — the line the Codex draws between kindness and the pattern.
Supporting
Why social anxiety persists: An experimental investigation of the role of safety behaviours as a maintaining factor (opens in a new tab)
McManus, F., Sacadura, C., & Clark, D. M. · 2008
Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 39(2), 147–161
Finds, in social anxiety, that the small precautions people take to seem acceptable do not reduce the anxiety and stop them discovering the precautions were never needed — the reason the Codex asks you to drop one on purpose.
Supporting
The spotlight effect in social judgment: An egocentric bias in estimates of the salience of one's own actions and appearance (opens in a new tab)
Gilovich, T., Medvec, V. H., & Savitsky, K. · 2000
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(2), 211–222
People reliably overestimate how much others notice what they wear and what they say, because they anchor on their own vivid experience of the moment and adjust too little.
Supporting
The liking gap in conversations: Do people like us more than we think? (opens in a new tab)
Boothby, E. J., Cooney, G., Sandstrom, G. M., & Clark, M. S. · 2018
Psychological Science, 29(11), 1742–1756
After conversations, people underestimated how much the other person liked them and enjoyed their company — among strangers in the lab, students sharing halls, and adults at a workshop.
Supporting
Saying no: The negative ramifications from invitation declines are less severe than we think (opens in a new tab)
Givi, J., & Kirk, C. P. · 2024
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 126(6), 1103–1115
Across five studies, people turning down an invitation expected the person who asked to be more upset, and to hold it against them more, than that person actually did.
Supporting
If you need help, just ask: Underestimating compliance with direct requests for help (opens in a new tab)
Flynn, F. J., & Lake, V. K. B. · 2008
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95(1), 128–143
People underestimated, by as much as half, how likely others were to agree to a direct request, largely because they overlooked how awkward it is to say no.
The Critic: self-criticism and perfectionism
Self-criticism, and the kind of perfectionism that is tied to distress — told apart from the high standards that are not. The trend and upbringing studies here are correlational, and the Codex treats them that way.
CoreFree full text
Perfectionism in the self and social contexts: Conceptualization, assessment, and association with psychopathology (opens in a new tab)
Hewitt, P. L., & Flett, G. L. · 1991
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60(3), 456–470
Separates perfectionism aimed at yourself from perfectionism you believe others demand, and finds the second is the one tied to distress — the distinction the Critic material is built on.
Core
Positive conceptions of perfectionism: Approaches, evidence, challenges (opens in a new tab)
Stoeber, J., & Otto, K. · 2006
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10(4), 295–319
Separates striving for high standards, which tends to go with good outcomes, from worrying about falling short of them, which does not — the difference between the Critic and simply caring about your work.
Core
Bad is stronger than good (opens in a new tab)
Baumeister, R. F., Bratslavsky, E., Finkenauer, C., & Vohs, K. D. · 2001
Review of General Psychology, 5(4), 323–370
A wide review finding that bad events, feedback and impressions weigh more and are processed more thoroughly than good ones — why a record of your own week comes out lopsided without anyone intending it.
Supporting
Perfectionism is increasing over time: A meta-analysis of birth cohort differences from 1989 to 2016 (opens in a new tab)
Curran, T., & Hill, A. P. · 2019
Psychological Bulletin, 145(4), 410–429
Pools university students in the US, Canada and the UK from 1989 to 2016 and finds every form of perfectionism it measured rising steadily, including the kind felt as other people's demands.
Supporting
Young people's perceptions of their parents' expectations and criticism are increasing over time: Implications for perfectionism (opens in a new tab)
Curran, T., & Hill, A. P. · 2022
Psychological Bulletin, 148(1–2), 107–128
Links how young people see their parents' expectations and criticism to perfectionism, most strongly to the kind felt as others' demands, and finds those perceptions growing over time.
Supporting
Social comparison, social media, and self-esteem (opens in a new tab)
Vogel, E. A., Rose, J. P., Roberts, L. R., & Eckles, K. · 2014
Psychology of Popular Media Culture, 3(4), 206–222
Links heavier social media use to lower self-esteem through more comparison with people who seem to be doing better, and finds brief exposure to such profiles lowers how people rate themselves.
The Avoider: avoidance and delay
Steering around discomfort, and putting things off to feel better now. The evidence here treats delay as a problem of mood and self-belief rather than of laziness.
Core
Experiential avoidance and behavioral disorders: A functional dimensional approach to diagnosis and treatment (opens in a new tab)
Hayes, S. C., Wilson, K. G., Gifford, E. V., Follette, V. M., & Strosahl, K. · 1996
Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 64(6), 1152–1168
Argues that steering around your own discomfort is a single habit showing up under many labels — the clearest description of what the Avoider pattern actually is.
SupportingFree full text
The nature of procrastination: A meta-analytic and theoretical review of quintessential self-regulatory failure (opens in a new tab)
Steel, P. · 2007
Psychological Bulletin, 133(1), 65–94
Pools hundreds of correlations and finds putting things off tracks low confidence in your own capability far more than it tracks laziness, which is the link between the Avoider pattern and the index itself.
Core
Procrastination and the priority of short-term mood regulation: Consequences for future self (opens in a new tab)
Sirois, F., & Pychyl, T. · 2013
Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(2), 115–127
Argues that putting things off is mostly about feeling better now, with the cost handed to your future self — the account of avoidance the Avoider chapter is built on.
What actually has evidence behind it
These are the methods the 30-day programme is assembled from. The effect sizes below come from trials that were usually run by clinicians with real support attached — a self-guided PDF should be expected to do less.
Core
Cognitive behavioral therapy for anxiety and related disorders: A meta-analysis of randomized placebo-controlled trials (opens in a new tab)
Carpenter, J. K., Andrews, L. A., Witcraft, S. M., Powers, M. B., Smits, J. A. J., & Hofmann, S. G. · 2018
Depression and Anxiety, 35(6), 502–514
Pools the trials that compared structured cognitive-behavioural work against a placebo and finds a moderate advantage, which is the strongest support behind the behavioural experiments in the plan.
CoreFree full text
Implementation intentions and goal achievement: A meta-analysis of effects and processes (opens in a new tab)
Gollwitzer, P. M., & Sheeran, P. · 2006
Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 69–119
Across roughly ninety tests, deciding in advance exactly when and where you will do something beats intending to do it, with a solidly moderate effect — the cheapest reliable technique we know of and the backbone of the daily structure.
CoreFree full text
Self-Compassion Interventions and Psychosocial Outcomes: A Meta-Analysis of RCTs (opens in a new tab)
Ferrari, M., Hunt, C., Harrysunker, A., Abbott, M. J., Beath, A. P., & Einstein, D. A. · 2019
Mindfulness, 10(8), 1455–1473
Twenty-seven randomized trials showing that training people to treat themselves decently produces moderate improvements in self-criticism and rumination — the evidence behind the Critic track.
Core
Internet-Based Cognitive Behavioral Therapy for Depression: A Systematic Review and Individual Patient Data Network Meta-analysis (opens in a new tab)
Karyotaki, E., et al. · 2021
JAMA Psychiatry, 78(4), 361–371
Finds digital programmes with a human checking in beat ones without, and that people finish them far more often — which is the honest limitation of anything delivered as a PDF, including ours.
The extra tools in the Codex
The Codex adds a few tools on top of the thirty days, one set per pattern. Some rest on a meta-analysis, some on a handful of experiments, and the effects are mostly small; the book states the strength of the evidence next to each one.
Core
Self-compassion increases self-improvement motivation (opens in a new tab)
Breines, J. G., & Chen, S. · 2012
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 38(9), 1133–1143
In four experiments, people encouraged to treat a failure or a weakness kindly were more motivated to improve, and after failing a test they studied for longer — the evidence against the idea that harshness keeps you sharp.
Supporting
Self-talk as a regulatory mechanism: How you do it matters (opens in a new tab)
Kross, E., Bruehlman-Senecal, E., Park, J., et al. · 2014
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106(2), 304–324
Across seven studies, people who talked themselves through a stressful task using their own name or “you” rather than “I” were less distressed, performed better, and replayed it less afterwards.
Supporting
The effectiveness of self-distanced versus self-immersed reflections among adults: Systematic review and meta-analysis of experimental studies (opens in a new tab)
Murdoch, E. M., Chapman, M. T., Crane, M., & Gucciardi, D. F. · 2023
Stress and Health, 39(2), 255–271
Pools twenty-five experiments and finds a small-to-moderate advantage for looking back on a bad experience from a step away, while rating the overall evidence as uncertain — which is how the Codex presents it.
Supporting
Effects of worry postponement on daily worry: A meta-analysis (opens in a new tab)
Dippel, A., Brosschot, J. F., & Verkuil, B. · 2024
International Journal of Cognitive Therapy, 17, 160–178
Seven randomised trials of putting worry off to a set time and place found small reductions in how long and how often people worried day to day; longer follow-ups are still missing.
Core
Maximizing exposure therapy: An inhibitory learning approach (opens in a new tab)
Craske, M. G., Treanor, M., Conway, C. C., Zbozinek, T., & Vervliet, B. · 2014
Behaviour Research and Therapy, 58, 10–23
Recasts facing a feared situation as learning that the feared outcome did not arrive, and argues the learning is strongest when a clear expectation is contradicted — the reason the ladder asks for a written prediction first.
Supporting
I forgive myself, now I can study: How self-forgiveness for procrastinating can reduce future procrastination (opens in a new tab)
Wohl, M. J. A., Pychyl, T. A., & Bennett, S. H. · 2010
Personality and Individual Differences, 48(7), 803–808
Students who forgave themselves for putting off revision before one exam put it off less before the next — the case for dropping the self-reproach before starting again.
What the evidence does not support
This section exists because leaving it out would make the rest less trustworthy. Several popular confidence techniques did not hold up when they were retested, and one large review found that raising self-esteem does not produce the results it is usually sold on.
Core
Does High Self-Esteem Cause Better Performance, Interpersonal Success, Happiness, or Healthier Lifestyles? (opens in a new tab)
Baumeister, R. F., Campbell, J. D., Krueger, J. I., & Vohs, K. D. · 2003
Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 4(1), 1–44
The review that went looking for evidence that raising self-esteem improves your life and largely failed to find it — success tends to raise self-regard rather than the other way round, which is precisely why we promise changes in behaviour and refuse to promise a better career, better relationships or happiness.
Supporting
Revisiting Our Reappraisal of the (Surprisingly Few) Benefits of High Self-Esteem (opens in a new tab)
Baumeister, R. F., & Vohs, K. D. · 2018
Perspectives on Psychological Science, 13(2), 137–140
The same authors fifteen years later, holding the conclusion and noting the reputational cost of a field that promoted self-esteem on correlational evidence.
Supporting
Power Posing: Brief Nonverbal Displays Affect Neuroendocrine Levels and Risk Tolerance (opens in a new tab)
Carney, D. R., Cuddy, A. J. C., & Yap, A. J. · 2010
Psychological Science, 21(10), 1363–1368
The original forty-two-person study behind the most famous confidence tip of the last fifteen years; listed here because of what happened to it next, not because we rely on it.
Supporting
Assessing the Robustness of Power Posing: No Effect on Hormones and Risk Tolerance in a Large Sample of Men and Women (opens in a new tab)
Ranehill, E., Dreber, A., Johannesson, M., Leiberg, S., Sul, S., & Weber, R. A. · 2015
Psychological Science, 26(5), 653–656
A far larger replication that recovered only the feeling of being powerful and none of the hormonal or behavioural effects — the reason posture tricks appear nowhere in our programme.
SupportingFree full text
Power Posing: P-Curving the Evidence (opens in a new tab)
Simmons, J. P., & Simonsohn, U. · 2017
Psychological Science, 28(5), 687–693
Re-examines the studies cited in defence of power posing and concludes they carry no evidential value once selective reporting is accounted for; the first author of the original study has since said publicly she no longer believes the effect is real.
Supporting
To What Extent and Under Which Circumstances Are Growth Mind-Sets Important to Academic Achievement? Two Meta-Analyses (opens in a new tab)
Sisk, V. F., Burgoyne, A. P., Sun, J., Butler, J. L., & Macnamara, B. N. · 2018
Psychological Science, 29(4), 549–571
Two meta-analyses across hundreds of thousands of people finding that teaching a growth mindset moves achievement very little, which is why we treat it as a small ingredient rather than a headline.
Supporting
Positive self-statements: Power for some, peril for others (opens in a new tab)
Wood, J. V., Perunovic, W. Q. E., & Lee, J. W. · 2009
Psychological Science, 20(7), 860–866
Finds that repeating flattering statements left people who already thought poorly of themselves feeling worse, not better — the reason there are no affirmations anywhere in this product.
Core
How are habits formed: Modelling habit formation in the real world (opens in a new tab)
Lally, P., van Jaarsveld, C. H. M., Potts, H. W. W., & Wardle, J. · 2010
European Journal of Social Psychology, 40(6), 998–1009
Tracked real people forming real habits and found a median of about sixty-six days with enormous variation, which kills the twenty-one-day myth and is why we describe thirty days as starting the change rather than finishing it.
The limits of the index, and of a PDF
The index is a structured self-assessment. It has not been through the validation a psychometric test requires, and we would rather say so here than imply otherwise anywhere else. The rest of this group is the other limit: how many people finish anything self-guided, and what helps them.
Core
Cautionary comments regarding the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (opens in a new tab)
Pittenger, D. J. · 2005
Consulting Psychology Journal: Practice and Research, 57(3), 210–221
The standard critique of sorting people into personality types — traits are spread along a continuum, so any cut point is invented, which is why we report a dominant pattern and say plainly that most people carry traces of all four.
Supporting
Predictors of treatment dropout in self-guided web-based interventions for depression: An individual patient data meta-analysis (opens in a new tab)
Karyotaki, E., et al. · 2015
Psychological Medicine, 45(13), 2717–2726
Around forty percent of people abandon fully self-guided programmes before finishing a quarter of them — a number worth knowing before you buy anything self-guided, ours included.
Supporting
The impact of guidance on internet-based mental health interventions — A systematic review (opens in a new tab)
Baumeister, H., Reichler, L., Munzinger, M., & Lin, J. · 2014
Internet Interventions, 1(4), 205–215
Confirms that some form of check-in reduces dropout and improves results. We do not offer that: there is no person checking in, which is what most of these studies tested, and no automated check-ins either. The weekly email that comes with Everything is not built as one.
SupportingFree full text
Improving adherence and clinical outcomes in self-guided internet treatment for anxiety and depression: Randomised controlled trial (opens in a new tab)
Titov, N., Dear, B. F., Johnston, L., Lorian, C., Zou, J., Wootton, B., Spence, J., McEvoy, P. M., & Rapee, R. M. · 2013
PLoS ONE, 8(7), e62873
In a self-guided online course, automated reminder emails raised the share of people who finished it from 35% to 58%, though a year later the results were the same either way. We list it because it is the strongest case for reminders; we do not send timed reminders, and the weekly email for Everything buyers is not what this trial tested.
SupportingFree full text
Improving adherence and clinical outcomes in self-guided internet treatment for anxiety and depression: A 12-month follow-up of a randomised controlled trial (opens in a new tab)
Titov, N., Dear, B. F., Johnston, L., McEvoy, P. M., Wootton, B., Terides, M. D., Gandy, M., Fogliati, V., Kayrouz, R., & Rapee, R. M. · 2014
PLoS ONE, 9(2), e89591
The same trial a year on: the emails had helped people finish and improve faster, but by twelve months both groups had ended up in the same place — so we describe them as help getting through the thirty days, not as better results.
What this means for what we promise
Reading the above honestly rules out most of what this market sells. We do not claim that feeling better about yourself will get you a promotion, a relationship, or a happier life — the evidence points the other way, and success seems to raise self-regard more reliably than self-regard raises success.
What we do claim is narrower and testable by you: fewer things avoided, less time lost to replaying conversations, decisions made faster, and a handful of things finally done that had been sitting for months. That is a smaller promise than our competitors make. It is also one we can defend.
The trials behind these methods were mostly run by clinicians with a person checking in. Programmes delivered that way beat ones without, and people finish them far more often. That is the honest limitation of anything delivered as a PDF, including this one, and you should expect a self-guided plan to do less than the numbers in those papers say.
Thirty days starts the change. It does not finish it — the habit-formation work above puts the median nearer sixty-six days, with a range wide enough that averages are close to useless for any one person.
The Confidence Index is a structured self-assessment, not a psychometric test and not a diagnosis. Turning it into one would mean factor analysis on an independent sample, published reliability figures, and evidence that it correlates with established measures in the directions you would expect. None of that is done yet, so we call it an index and nothing grander.
Your dominant pattern is the one showing up most often in your answers, not a personality type. Most people show some of all four, and where you land can move over time.
Listing a paper here says nothing about its authors. None of the researchers cited are connected to Confbooster, and none of them endorse it. Spotted something we have got wrong? Write to hello@confbooster.com — corrections get made.